CHAPTER 1. THE GEOLOGICAL CHECKMATE AND THE AFRICAN AB.ZU Enki’s Project, the Origins of the Human Labor Population, and the "Feral Sumerians" Hypothesis

 

CHAPTER 1. THE GEOLOGICAL CHECKMATE AND THE AFRICAN AB.ZU

Enki’s Project, the Origins of the Human Labor Population, and the "Feral Sumerians" Hypothesis

Introduction. Before Sumer, the AB.ZU Existed

The history of civilization is conventionally said to begin in Mesopotamia. Ur, Uruk, Eridu, Nippur, Lagash, and other ancient centers of the Land Between the Rivers delineate the space where humanity left behind the earliest well-known evidence of complex urban organization, written administration, a developed temple economy, and systematized knowledge.

Sumerian civilization appears in the historical field in an already sufficiently complex form. What we find are not merely settlements of farmers gradually mastering the surrounding territory. We discover architecture, administrative structures, specialized crafts, calendar systems, mathematical operations, religious institutions, and conceptions of cosmic order.

But what if Mesopotamia was not the beginning, but a continuation?

What if the emergence of Sumerian civilization should be viewed as the second stage of a much more ancient process whose original geography lay outside the Interfluve? What if the Sumerian memory of gods who came to Earth, of the underground waters of the Abzu, of mineral extraction, and of the creation of man to perform specific labor preserves fragments of a history that preceded the appearance of the first Sumerian cities?

Within the framework of the paleocontact reconstruction proposed here, that original territory is Africa, above all its southern part.

It is precisely here that we place the hypothesized original site of the AB.ZU project—a system associated with mineral resources, underground waters, gold mining, the organization of human labor, and, according to the hypothesis, the biological transformation of local hominids.

This model alters the familiar sequence of historical narrative. Instead of a linear scheme in which primitive humanity gradually arrives at agriculture, metallurgy, and cities, we consider the possibility of the existence of an earlier technological system that utilized human groups as part of an organized production process.

In this reconstruction, man appears in history not only as the result of natural evolution, but also as a possible object of purposeful intervention. His origin is tied to a task, his dispersal to the collapse of the original system, and the subsequent emergence of civilizations to the restoration or reorganization of lost structures.

Thus arises the central idea of the chapter: Sumer may not have been humanity’s first civilization, but rather the heir to a more ancient African project whose memory was preserved in the image of Enki and his Abzu.

We will examine this concept through several interrelated directions: the geology of the Witwatersrand, Mesopotamian texts concerning the creation of man, the African origin of modern humanity, the genetic history of Homo sapiens, the hypothesis regarding Cro-Magnon as "feral Sumerians," traditions of a global catastrophe, the linguistic isolation of the Sumerians and Elamites, and, finally, the transfer of the hypothesized administrative center to Mesopotamia.

These are not separate riddles gathered for the sake of a sensational effect. They are elements of a single reconstruction in which geography, biology, mythology, and civilizational history must be read conjointly.

I. The Geological Checkmate: Witwatersrand as the Original Resource Node

South Africa occupies an exceptional place in the history of gold. The Witwatersrand Basin contains one of the planet's largest gold-bearing deposits. It was precisely here, in the industrial era, that one of the most important centers of global gold mining was formed.

However, for our research, not only the scale of the deposit is important. Of importance are its geological structure, the depth at which the gold-bearing rocks lie, and the very location in a region that, within the scope of this hypothesis, is viewed as the possible territory of the Anunnaki's initial activity.

The Witwatersrand is an ancient geological basin featuring gold-bearing conglomerates. The gold within it is bound to rocks that require complex development and subsequent processing. Modern industrial mining entails deep shafts, ventilation, dewatering, ore transport, crushing, grinding, and metal extraction.

The question posed to us by the paleocontact hypothesis goes beyond the bounds of ordinary gold-mining history:

Why could gold have been so important to the most ancient hypothesized operators if familiar human economic systems did not yet exist?

In the era we assign to deep prehistory, there were no monetary markets, banking systems, state treasuries, and international trade in their historically known forms. Gold is not a necessary material for the manufacture of most everyday tools. It is too soft for the production of effective weapons and many instruments, and its value in human societies was formed primarily thanks to rarity, luster, durability, and symbolic significance.

Yet if we examine gold mining not from the standpoint of the human market, but from the standpoint of a hypothesized external technological system, the question changes.

Gold may not have been a medium of exchange, but rather a target resource. It could have been mined not for the sake of ornaments or the accumulation of wealth, but for tasks that bore no relation to the economics of earthly human societies.

Within the framework of Zecharia Sitchin’s model, the Anunnaki arrived on Earth for the purpose of mining gold, which, according to his interpretation, was necessary to solve an atmospheric problem on their home planet Nibiru. This explanation is not corroborated by modern planetology and is not a generally accepted reading of Sumerian texts. Nevertheless, it forms an important part of the original conception: gold acts as the cause for the appearance of an external technological group on Earth and as the organizing factor of its activity.

It is precisely here that the Witwatersrand acquires central significance.

If the goal of the hypothesized operation was gold mining on a scale significantly exceeding the needs of small human communities, then a territory with colossal ore reserves, water, a workforce, and logistical capabilities was required.

South Africa satisfies the geographical condition of possessing a colossal gold-bearing basin. The remaining elements of the model—ancient mining, labor organization, and technological infrastructure—require independent investigation.

1. Ngwenya and the Problem of Substituting the Subject of Research

In discussions regarding ancient mineral extraction in South Africa, the Ngwenya mines in the territory of modern Eswatini are frequently recalled. This site is known above all for the ancient mining of hematite and the use of the ferruginous mineral to obtain ochre.

Yet for the present hypothesis, Ngwenya and the Witwatersrand are not one and the same.

Hematite and gold represent different materials, different technological tasks, and different economic contexts. The mining of ochre could have had ritual, symbolic, or practical significance for ancient societies. In itself, it does not explain the hypothesized large-scale gold mining.

Therefore, the question of the Witwatersrand cannot be substituted by a discussion of Ngwenya. It is necessary to investigate each region separately, distinguishing minerals, extraction methods, datings, and archaeological context.

In the author's conception, the Witwatersrand is the primary geological node of the African AB.ZU precisely because it concerns gold and the scale of its natural reserves.

2. The Problem of Ancient Mining

In publications and alternative studies, assertions are encountered concerning the existence in South Africa of very ancient mine workings, including deep shafts and traces of rock processing. In the works of Michael Tellinger, these are connected with the hypothesis regarding the Anunnaki and the hypothesized technological infrastructure of Enki.

Tellinger develops this line, in particular, in his book African Temples of the Anunnaki: The Lost Technologies of the Gold Mines of Enki (2013). He views South African stone structures, ancient mining territories, and local traditions as possible traces of a vanished system.

Within this conceptual framework, special attention is devoted to reports of ancient workings whose depth allegedly reaches significant magnitudes, with datings belonging to periods far preceding historical civilizations.

These specific datings and interpretations do not constitute an accepted archaeological conclusion. It is necessary to establish the origin of each working, rule out natural formations, late exploitations, and erroneous attribution. But the question we pose remains fundamental: to what extent has ancient mining activity been thoroughly investigated in a region possessing exceptional gold wealth?

In the AB.ZU hypothesis, this is not a minor detail. It is the material foundation of the entire reconstruction.

If in deep antiquity there existed an external technological group for whom gold was a strategic resource, the Witwatersrand could have become one of the key objects of its activity.

If, however, such mining is not corroborated, the geological portion of the model must be revised. But the research task itself remains: to determine what mining traces genuinely exist, what their dating is, and what technologies could have been utilized.

3. The Caloric Paradox and the Question of Gold's Purpose

In the Italian version of the manuscript La Guerra degli Anunnaki, this argument is formulated with particular sharpness: why should prehistoric man have bothered to expend an enormous amount of energy on mining hard rock for the sake of a metal that cannot be used to manufacture effective hunting tools?

This is a question of motivation.

For small hunter-gatherer collectives, the expenditures on mineral extraction had to make understandable sense. They could mine pigments, stone for tools, materials for ornaments or ritual objects. Yet large-scale gold mining in a deep shaft presupposes a completely different organization of labor.

Within the framework of our hypothesis, this discrepancy is explained by the fact that gold was not mined for the needs of the human collectives themselves. It was intended for an external client who possessed an independent technological system and defined the production tasks.

It is precisely here that the figure of Enki appears as the organizer of a resource project.

Gold is the target material. The AB.ZU is the hypothesized extraction territory. Human groups are the labor resource. The Anunnaki are the system operators. Enki is the central character linking water resources, technology, crafts, and the organization of production.

Thus, a geological anomaly transforms into a question concerning the origin of civilization itself.

II. AB.ZU: Enki's Domain and the Original Infrastructure

In Sumerian cosmology, the Abzu is the realm of underground fresh waters associated with Enki. In the Akkadian tradition, he corresponds to Ea—the deity of wisdom, magic, crafts, creation, and knowledge.

The Abzu is not simply a geographical backdrop of myths. It is part of the cosmological arrangement of the world. It is the deep domain from which life, water, and the forces necessary for the existence of the earthly order are derived.

For our study, it is fundamental that Enki is simultaneously linked to water and technology.

He is not merely the lord of the depths. He is the patron of craftsmen, the creator and organizer, the keeper of the divine ordinances—the me, which transmit to society the principles of civilizational order.

Within the framework of paleocontact reconstruction, we examine the possibility that the image of the Abzu could have preserved the memory of a real space in which underground waters, mineral resources, and organized extraction constituted a unified system.

This reading does not replace the traditional meaning of the myth. It adds to it a hypothesized historical-technological layer.

1. The Abzu as a Resource Territory

Any major mining operation requires more than just a mineral. It requires water, energy, infrastructure, people, transport, storage, and management.

Water is essential for sustaining settlements, technological processes, and ore processing. Geological structures determine the accessibility of aquifers and the location of sources. Resource territories become centers of attraction for human groups and organized activity.

Therefore, Enki's association with underground waters can be viewed in a broader context: as the mythological memory of a territory where water and mineral resources formed the foundation of a technological system.

In such a reading, the AB.ZU is not simply an "undergound abyss." It is the designation of an original resource space.

We do not assert that the Sumerian term has already been proven to designate the South African Witwatersrand. Such a geographical identification is absent in known texts. We are speaking of a model proposed by us in which the mythological image of the Abzu is correlated with the hypothesized African territory of Enki’s initial activity.

2. Enki – Engineer, Organizer, and Keeper of Knowledge

Among Mesopotamian gods, Enki occupies a special position.

His functions encompass wisdom, magic, crafts, creation, and the maintenance of order. He is associated with the transmission of knowledge to men, the organization of civilized life, and intervention in situations where humanity finds itself under threat.

In myths, Enki frequently acts not as an impersonal lawgiver, but as an active character who knows the structure of the world and is capable of utilizing that knowledge.

Within the framework of our model, precisely such a profile makes him the central candidate for the role of head of the hypothesized technological project.

Enki is not only the god of water. He is the image of knowledge applied to matter.

He is linked to that which transforms natural resources into an organized system: water becomes infrastructure, mineral becomes raw material, craft becomes technology, and the human group becomes an organized workforce.

His connection with the me likewise acquires special significance. These divine ordinances can be viewed as a symbolic inventory of knowledge, institutions, and functions that render civilization possible.

In our interpretation, the me is a kind of civilizational code: an aggregate of principles, skills, authorities, and technologies transmitted from operators to society.

This does not mean that the Sumerians envisioned modern information systems. But the image of the me allows us to raise the question of how ancient societies conceptualized the transmission of knowledge and the administration of a complex social order.

3. Enki and Enlil: Two Principles of Governance

The confrontation between Enki and Enlil is one of the most important motifs of Mesopotamian mythology.

Enlil is associated with power, decision, authority, and the establishment of order. Enki is associated with wisdom, technical knowledge, crafts, magic, and the protection of humanity.

In our reconstruction, this distinction can be read as the symbolic expression of two models of governance.

The first model is built around centralized power, command, and subordination. The second is around knowledge, practical competence, creation, and the capability to solve problems.

This opposition is especially important for the subsequent development of the hypothesis. If the original system indeed existed, then its history could have included conflict between different centers of interest: resource-based and administrative, technological and political, creative and controlling.

In this context, the mythological relations between Enki and Enlil become not only a religious plot, but also a possible reflection of memory concerning competing principles of governance.

III. The AB.ZU Project and the Creation of Man: Atrahasis as a Mythological Protocol

One of the most unusual elements of Mesopotamian mythology is the account of the creation of man.

In the Akkadian epic of Atrahasis, the gods perform heavy labor. The lesser deities bear the burden of digging canals, tilling the earth, and other duties. Their toil becomes unbearable. A rebellion ensues, after which the divine system must find a way to relieve the gods of an excessive load.

The solution becomes the creation of man.

This plot differs fundamentally from a simple tale about the appearance of a living creature. Man is created in response to a concrete production problem. His origin is directly tied to labor.

In mythological logic, man appears not only as an object of creation, but also as a participant in a pre-existing system possessing tasks, duties, the distribution of functions, and conflict surrounding the burden of work.

Precisely this motif becomes central to the hypothesis concerning a human labor population.

1. The Rebellion of the Worker-Gods

In the epic of Atrahasis, the rebellious gods no longer wish to perform heavy labor. Their protest forces the leadership of the divine world to seek a replacement.

Within the framework of the proposed reconstruction, this plot can be read as a mythologized memory of conflict within a technological system.

If one assumes the existence of an external group that organized the extraction of resources on Earth, then the labor problem becomes entirely comprehensible. Any large-scale operation requires a workforce, and the organization of labor generates hierarchy, the distribution of duties, and conflicts between executors and managers.

In myth, this problem is expressed through the rebellion of the junior gods.

The solution is the creation of a new creature that will assume the former duties.

Thus appears a fundamental motif: humanity is created not in a void, but within an existing production system.

2. Clay and Divine Blood

In various versions of the Mesopotamian myth, the creation of man is associated with clay and the substance of a deity—his blood or flesh. In Atrahasis, an important role is played by the sacrificed god whose substance is combined with clay.

In traditional religious reading, this image expresses the union of the earthly and divine principles.

In our paleocontact model, it acquires a different meaning.

Clay is viewed as the symbol of local biological material—earthly hominids. Divine blood and flesh as the symbol of an external genetic component. Their admixture is interpreted as the image of targeted biological intervention.

Thus the myth of man's creation turns into a hypothesized description of a genetic process.

This interpretation is not an established translation of the ancient text. It constitutes an authorial reconstruction based on a comparison of the mythological plot with modern conceptions of genetics.

Yet precisely it allows us to link two key elements of the hypothesis: the creation of man and the need for a new labor force.

3. Lullu – Man as a New Biological Category

In Mesopotamian texts, the designation Lullu is encountered, associated with man and the human being. Within the framework of this reconstruction, it acquires special conceptual significance.

Lullu is viewed as a new human type arising as a result of the hypothesized combination of local biological material with an external component.

If one accepts this hypothesis, the creation of man was not simply the act of birth of a new species, but the creation of a creature with defined functional characteristics.

The human organism had to possess physical endurance, the capacity for learning, social cooperation, and the execution of complex tasks. Man had to reproduce himself, live in organized groups, and transmit skills to subsequent generations.

Precisely thus arises the idea of man as a biological resource of a technological system.

4. Enki and Ninhursag: A Hypothesized Biological Laboratory

In Sitchin’s reconstruction, the creation of man is tied to the activity of Enki and Ninhursag. Ninhursag, also known in certain contexts by the name Ninti, acts as the goddess associated with birth, life, and the shaping of the human body.

Within the framework of Sitchin’s interpretation, these characters become participants in a hypothesized genetic project.

Enki represents the knowledge and technological side of the process. Ninhursag—the biological and reproductive. Together they form the mythological image of a laboratory wherein a new type of man is created.

In our model, this pair acquires special significance for the African AB.ZU.

If southern Africa was the original resource territory, then the creation of the labor population had to occur in direct connection with this territory. The human organism became part of the production project, and its biological reproduction became a condition for the continuation of the entire system.

Thus, the myth of man's creation and the hypothesis of African gold mining combine into a unified construct.

IV. Mitochondrial Eve and African Genetic Geography

Modern genetics points to the African origin of the common maternal ancestor of all currently living humans—so-called Mitochondrial Eve.

This designation refers to the most recent woman from whom the mitochondrial genomes of modern humans descend along an unbroken maternal line. She was neither the first woman, nor the sole woman of her time, nor the sole ancestor of humanity. Her existence is reconstructed on the basis of the inheritance features of mitochondrial DNA.

Estimates of the time of her life depend on models and the genetic data utilized. In popular literature, a range of approximately 150,000 to 200,000 years ago is frequently encountered, although scientific estimates may differ.

For our hypothesis, the African geography of modern humanity's origin is paramount.

Here arises a point of contact between two completely different narrative systems.

Genetic reconstruction places the common maternal ancestor of modern humans in Africa. The Mesopotamian mythological tradition preserves the account of man's creation by gods, with this process linked to biological admixture and the necessity of forming a new human type.

These data in themselves do not prove Anunnaki intervention. But within the framework of the paleocontact model, they form a research node: the African origin of man is correlated with the mythological memory of humanity's creation.

1. Africa as a Genetic Source Territory

The African origin of Homo sapiens is one of the fundamental conclusions of modern paleoanthropology and genetics.

Early populations of anatomically modern humans formed on the African continent. Modern genetic data present a complex picture: not a single isolated point of origin, but the interaction of multiple populations in various regions of Africa over an extended period.

Within the framework of the AB.ZU hypothesis, this continental scale is especially important.

If one postulates the existence of external technological intervention, it had to occur not at an abstract geographical point, but in a real environment where ancient hominid populations already existed.

Africa provides such an environment. Here the most important stages of human evolution transpired, here the most ancient lines of human genetic diversity have been preserved, and here numerous archaeological and paleoanthropological sites are located.

Precisely for this reason, the hypothesized project of man's creation in our reconstruction is placed within the African space.

2. Chromosome 2: The Trace of an Ancient Fusion

One of the best-known features of the human genome is chromosome 2.

In humans, it represents the result of the ancient fusion of two ancestral chromosomes that remain separate in other modern anthropoid apes. Characteristic signs of this event are discovered within the human chromosome, including traces of telomeric sequences in the region of fusion.

This is an established genetic feature of the human genome.

In alternative reconstructions, it is sometimes linked with hypothesized artificial intervention. Within the framework of our hypothesis, this question is examined as one of the possible points of comparison between man's biological history and the mythological plot concerning the creation of a new human entity.

However, the mere presence of fusion does not prove genetic engineering: it has an evolutionary explanation and is viewed by modern genetics as the result of a natural process.

The significance of this fact for our chapter lies elsewhere. It demonstrates that the history of the human genome includes major structural changes that can be reconstructed via molecular traces.

The paleocontact model poses an additional question: could ancient myths concerning the admixture of clay and divine blood have preserved a symbolic memory of biological transformation?

This is not a conclusion drawn from chromosome 2. It is a research hypothesis that must be tested independently of the genetic fact.

3. Genetic History and the Image of the Artificial Man

In the Italian manuscript La Guerra degli Anunnaki, chromosome 2, the history of the human brain, and the African origin of the mitochondrial lineage are united into an argument concerning a hypothesized genetic leap.

For further research, it is necessary to separate these elements.

The evolution of the human brain, the development of speech, changes in cranial proportions, the appearance of complex behavior, and the formation of modern human populations occurred over a prolonged period. They cannot be reduced to a single instantaneous event or a single genetic mutation.

Yet for the author's model, the very comparison of biological history with the ancient narrative of the purposeful creation of man is important.

In this model, the human population does not merely appear as the result of natural evolution. It is viewed as the possible result of the interaction of two components—local earthly and external technological.

Thus arises the image of Homo sapiens as a new biological project.

V. The African Matrix: Megaliths, Local Traditions, and Enki's Territory

The geological part of the hypothesis is not restricted to gold deposits. It includes stone structures, ancient settlements, terraces, walls, roads, monoliths, and other objects that in alternative literature are viewed as possible remnants of a vanished infrastructure.

A special place here is occupied by South African stone complexes and the ruins of Great Zimbabwe.

Within the framework of Michael Tellinger's conception and those of other researchers of alternative history, these structures are linked to the hypothesized activity of the Anunnaki and Enki’s domains.

In the Italian manuscript, Benson C. Saili and C. J. Leteane are specifically named as researchers of African traditions and historical memory who ought to be included in further study.

Their works and specific evidence must be examined separately, verifying the origin of texts, exact quotations, context, and what precisely local traditions report.

Yet the fundamental question itself is important: how deeply has memory regarding celestial beings, ancient rulers, unusual knowledge, and the origin of stone structures been preserved in African oral traditions?

1. Stone Architecture as Possible Infrastructure

In traditional archaeology, stone walls, terraces, and ruins are viewed primarily within the context of known cultures and their construction capabilities.

In our hypothesis, another possibility must also be tested: could individual complexes have been part of an older infrastructure later re-utilized by local societies?

If the hypothesized African AB.ZU was not simply a mine, but a major resource center, it required spaces for storage, administration, habitation, materials processing, security, and the distribution of resources.

Such a system could leave traces not only in the form of workings, but also in the form of settlements, roads, terraces, walls, and architectural complexes.

Within the framework of this model, the megalithic structures of South Africa are viewed as possible fragments of Enki’s administrative and technological space.

This does not mean that all stone ruins of the region belong to a single epoch or a single civilization. On the contrary, it is necessary to distinguish construction phases, cultural layers, and the modes of use of each object.

Yet if an older system existed in the region, its remnants could have been partially incorporated into later structures.

2. Oral Tradition as an Archive

Written sources are not the sole method for preserving historical memory.

Oral traditions can transmit information concerning the origin of places, ancient rulers, catastrophes, migrations, unusual beings, and events that did not receive written fixation.

Nevertheless, oral tradition is not a literal chronicle. It changes, adapts, connects different epochs, and frequently utilizes mythological images.

Therefore, in our study, African traditions should be viewed not as automatic proof of the Anunnaki’s presence, but as an independent body of material that must be correlated with archaeology and ancient texts.

If similar motifs are discovered in different regions—celestial beings, teachers who arrived from the sky, ancient builders, underground spaces, metal extraction, and the loss of former knowledge—these coincidences deserve comparative analysis.

Precisely here, African tradition can supplement the Mesopotamian corpus.

VI. "Feral Sumerians": The Hypothesis on the Decay of the Original Population

We now arrive at the central concept of this chapter—"feral Sumerians."

The expression Feral Sumerians is utilized here as the author's designation for a hypothetical human population that was originally included in the hypothesized AB.ZU project, but subsequently lost connection with its operators and infrastructure.

In ordinary historical terminology, there is no separate archaeological culture named "feral Sumerians." This is neither an established ethnic group nor a recognized category of paleoanthropology.

It is a conceptual term of our reconstruction.

It describes a possible scenario: human groups, created or transformed within the framework of the hypothesized project, found themselves cut off from the system that ensured their technological and social organization.

Along with the infrastructure, they lost access to knowledge, tools, and management.

1. Loss of Operators and the Collapse of the System

Any complex technological system depends on the preservation of knowledge and infrastructure.

If specialists vanish, administrative centers are destroyed, the supply of resources ceases, and the capability to service equipment is lost, then even a developed system can gradually degrade.

Within the framework of the AB.ZU hypothesis, such a situation could have arisen after the departure or death of the original operators.

Human groups that previously found themselves inside an organized production complex would have been compelled to independently ensure their own survival.

They could have lost former skills, transitioned to simpler methods of procuring food, and gradually ceased to understand the purpose of the objects wherein their predecessors lived and worked.

What had previously been part of a technological system would become merely their environment.

Buildings would turn into ruins, tools into incomprehensible objects, and memory of the creators into traditions regarding gods.

Thus arises the idea of "feralization": not the biological transformation of man into another species, but the hypothesized loss of cultural and technological ties with the original system.

2. From the AB.ZU to Free Human Groups

In the original version of the hypothesis, it is posited that a portion of the first human population left the territory of the Anunnaki's initial activity or slipped out of their control.

As a result, these groups could have dispersed to other regions of Africa and beyond its borders.

Within the model, this is not simply migration in search of food or a favorable climate. It is liberation from the original production system.

If man was created to perform a specific function, then slipping out of the operators' control altered the very trajectory of his existence.

The group was no longer part of an organized project. It had to independently adapt to the environment, forage for food, create new tools, interact with other human populations, and transmit skills to its own descendants.

In such a reading, "feral Sumerians" are the descendants of a hypothetical labor population that ceased to be the workforce of the original system.

Their subsequent history could have become the history of an independent humanity.

3. Cro-Magnon as a Hypothesized Lineage of "Feral Sumerians"

The English version of the Feral Sumerians hypothesis proposes a particularly bold comparison: Cro-Magnon are viewed as the descendants of those human groups that slipped out of the Anunnaki's control and dispersed across Eurasia.

This is one of the most radical parts of the model.